“I can tell you 30 percent of the business owners who call me are asking how to get a gun licence. It’s become that serious because if the police and authorities are not able to save them they have to save themselves.”

Only 30%? Well, it’s New Zealand. BTW I have bad news for those people, who clearly don’t know anything about guns or gun licences: during your oral interview by the Police you will be asked why you want to own a gun and if your answer is that you want one to defend yourself, your family & friends or your business, that’s an automatic fail.

As an example of what free man can do to fix a corrupt, lawless system I also doubt we’ll be doing what San Franciscans did in 1856 to deal with corruption and crime. The elections were totally corrupt and the laws and their enforcement followed from that, with business bankrupted by laws and then conveniently taken over by businessmen who were cronies of the lawmakers. But it got worse:

About the same time a gambler, Charles Cora, shot and killed a well-known and well-liked US Marshal named William Richardson who was unarmed at the time. This was an unprovoked, cold-blooded shooting. Conviction seemed almost certain, although Cora was a good friend – a very good friend of both the local sheriff and the keeper of the jail, where he waited trial in considerable luxury and comfort. No expense was spared in Cora’s defense – and when the case came to trial, the jury couldn’t come to a decision and Cora was released. The law-abiding element in town seethed.

One key difference was that there was a newspaper editor who actually crusaded against all this stuff: James King and his Daily Evening Bulletin “pulled no punches; he named names, explained methods and connections.” One of his targets was one James Casey, on the board of county supervisors – and a member in good standing of the Establishment of the day.

And that got King killed:

After some hours drinking and fuming, Casey left the bar and waited just across the street for King to pass on his way home. At about 5 PM, King left the newspaper office, and as he passed by on his way home, Casey shot him. King fell, mortally wounded – while Casey’s friends hustled him off to safety in a nearby police station lock-up.

A “mob” turned up at the police station and although not dissuaded by a spiel from the Mayor of San Francisco they were by the armed marshals and armed soldiers who came with him. No doubt TPTB felt they’d won another round and were on their way to a Cora-style legal victory. It was then they discovered the limits of their power over ordinary people:

Several days later, a small advertisement appeared on the front pages of several morning papers: “The members of the Vigilance Committee in good standing will please meet at number 105 ½ Sacramento Street, this day, Thursday, fifteenth instant, at nine o’clock A.M. By order of the Committee of Thirteen.”

The effect on the general public was electrifying. Crowds descended on the building at the designated address

They were organized, they were in earnest, they would not compromise … and they would not back down. And they proved to be very, very efficient. Immediate support for the Committee was overwhelming.

People stood in line for an entire day to join. Within days they had 6000 members and they were organised into military-style “companies”. By this time TPTB, who actually had the gall to call themselves “The Law and Order Party” were rattled enough that they called on the Governor of California to get involved, along with the state militia. Hustled into town to meet the head of the Vigilance Committee, the wonderfully named Will Tell Coleman, the Governor got the polite, but firm message that while the Committee proposed no insurrection against civil authority they were going to see that the established laws were enforced. The Governor was apparently mollified – without asking exactly what “enforced” meant. Casey found out the next morning when a military-style operation removed him from the jail:

… a column of marching men – in civilian clothes, but carrying rifles with fixed bayonets appeared at the end of a street which emptied into the square – then another column, from another converging street. Then a third column, joined by a fourth: they marched into the square and took their places in regular ranks four-deep all around the square.

Even that description doesn’t fully describe what “military” meant:

From out of a side street came a body of sixty men – drawing a field gun by means of a long rope. The cannon was wheeled into the middle of the square, aimed at the front door of the jail. Slowly and deliberately, it was charged with powder and shot, while another man lit a slow-burning match and stood at attention.

Cora was added to the bag later and both men were put in front of a court, complete with defense lawyers. None of the witnesses they called turned up, while there were eye-witnesses aplenty to testify to the murders that both men had committed. They were convicted and hung as the church bells tolled for King’s funeral.

The Committee did not disband immediately, for they formed a list:

Those on it would either leave, or be charged and tried under the ordinary rules of law. Only two more miscreants were hanged, and thirty banished officially, although it was estimated that at least eight hundred left town voluntarily. The Committee formally dissolved in August of that year

Of course they would be described as a vigilante group, even though they were at pains to follow the law, but it’s an example of what can happen when the normal functions of government and law enforcement are corrupted beyond the repair normally provided by elections.